Wednesday, December 04, 2013

Russian possibilities

While the attention of the world is on Syria, the Russian relationship with the Ukraine was under suspicion because of its proximity to Russian heartlands. Syria was perceived by the west to be in its sphere of interest, but the Ukraine which had a more successful revolution was forgotten. The rebellious republic image was replaced by an enlargement of the economic links Europe had been seeking in the 2000s over energy. The oil reserves in the North were not even allowed this political content, except as a source for terrorism and political movement. Russian foreign policy became beset by technical difficulties and Europe's reaction was seen as exploitative and miscellaneous.

The global view was also ignored, it was seen as joining the north in the technical revolutions of the twentieth century, but not enduring the luxury of twenty-first century politics. Russian foreign policy is best when it is placed in a European context, and the future of the Republics has never made it in substance. The democratic credentials prove this, Russia is a telegraph, it is a pity no-one can show divisions in the message. The summit again confused the issue, and transformation, not obligatory communications are the best part of the political bridge.

Russian foreign policy to South America, is again less than informative, and the division between conflict and consensus roughly driven by American and global communications. The third world was neither a division between north and west, or east and south, but the message did deliver it. The point lies in the political equality implied by the communications, neither political or economic they dwell on social questions and a political individualism. Mill would be resting quietly at the double meanings behind politics in the Ukraine and South America. The truth is politics is not about policy, and local interests are easily assuaged.

The Chinese take a different approach to global relationships, but the spheres of interests are similar and easy to uncover. Russia of course says nothing about its southern borders to Europe, but magnifies the realism in social analysis of conflictual relations. Foreign policy is therefore about communications, not institutions in foreign countries. Home divisions are left out of the question in ideology. The liberal ideal is not becoming a utopian dream in Russia, and this is disguised. Foreign policy is not that important, but our response is leading in its miscalculation in Russia, and in other areas. By transmitting realism, we are ignoring and misconstruing western interests. How important is it? If the divide is kept precise, only Russia looses, if it is confused neighbouring states lose out like the Ukraine. Hence the visit by Britain to China was wildly mistimed and German attempts to attract attention in America were badly intentioned.


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